A friend and colleague asked me to review his fascinating book, and I gladly obliged. That review is below. --SY
Book Review: Practical Politics
After reading “Practical Politics: Lessons in Power and Democracy” by Titus Alexander, I am convinced more than ever about the urgent need for both political literacy and media literacy.
Alexander’s book, beginning in chapter one, makes a compelling case for why universities should teach practical politics as a basic life skill (like reading and writing). He writes that practical politics-trained students will be more employable, will possess an improved ability to solve complex social problems, and can help to restore trust in democracy.
In addition, in chapter three, Alexander theorizes that a society steeped in practical politics can improve its governance. He writes,
Campaigns by the Bristol schoolgirls, Citizen UK, Brake and victims of
sexual abuse are calls for better governance, by institutions such as the
BBC, schools, road safety bodies, employers and the state. People want
‘units of rule’ to be run well and solve problems better. This is the supply
side of politics, what I call the top tier of political action, involving leaders
and decision-makers at any level. Improving governance and the ability of
political decision-making to respond better to citizens will also encourage
people to take part, the demand side of politics, because better governance
creates hope that they can make a difference.
Encouraging people to take part in society, and prodding decision-makers to act, can best be facilitated by and through a simultaneously politically and media-savvy public.
As a communications professor, I see media literacy the same way Alexander sees political literacy: as an essential tool to restore and maintain democracies. In fact, the two are complementary, and if taught side-by-side, can serve to empower and amplify citizens’ voices.
This relationship between media and politics is explored in chapter five of the book. In this section, Alexander notes that the media are the public’s primary source for political education, the “main channel for politicians to communicate with the public,” and finally the means through which journalists can “influence the political agenda.” Alexander correctly points out that ownership, control, and use of the media are critical political battle grounds. This can be clearly seen both in the U.S. and U.K. in the ongoing political/media turmoil surrounding the Trump presidency/impeachment and Brexit. One is left wondering: If our publics know practical politics, would they be as susceptible to political disinformation, propaganda, and self-serving half-truths dished out by politicians, political pundits, and red-faced cable TV talking heads? If citizens had a more nuanced understanding of media and politics, would they be so quick to reflexively retreat into their media bubbles, consuming only that which confirms their world view?
Later in chapter five, Alexander cites a study showing the media consumers trust the media more than politicians—hardly an accomplishment worth crowing about. In the U.S., trust in media can be charted according to individual media outlets—viewers trust “their” channels, and distrust those outside their media bubble. Regarding the internet, Alexander writes, “Traditional political parties and campaigners are also investing heavily in using new media to reach target audiences, so it is hard to predict how far power will really shift.” Thus, simultaneous political and media literacy takes on a new urgency, one necessitated by the exponentially growing power of social media for the delivery of information, or disinformation. Alexander concludes,
Citizens need to learn media literacy to understand how it works,
how to use the media to have their say about issues of the day and how to
win and use power accountably. The press and television, particularly the
BBC, could also play a bigger role in giving citizens impartial information
on how the system works, contentious issues and how to have an effective
voice in politics.
Alexander expands on this point in chapter 10, when he discusses the media’s role in political education. He writes,
What is missing are straightforward guides (produced by media outlets)
to help people navigate issues and find the best way to have their say.
For democracy to flourish, citizens need more than commentaries
and analysis of the issues. They also need to know how they can influence
decisions. To do this, politics needs to be presented as something anyone can
do all year round, not just in elections every few years. Promoting public
participation does not mean taking sides on the issues, but siding with the
public. Citizens are ultimately responsible for how the country is governed
and need to be better informed…A free press and independent media are critical for
democracy, providing a plurality of opinion and scrutinizing those in power.
Here here. If citizens are empowered with political literacy, they will know that they
can participate and, ultimately, how to most efficaciously influence decisions. If
they are also endowed with media literacy, citizens will understand how to reject
disinformation and to leverage media to amplify their voices.
In chapter eight, Alexander proposes a model to teach practical politics that mimics business education in that it would “create and disseminate applied knowledge” in a manner that will fulfill Harvard Business School’s charge to “make a difference in the world.” This model has proven to be successful in business school settings, so it’s logical to believe that it could work with practical politics. In fact, my Center for Global Peace Journalism follows a similar model wherein peace journalism is taught as an academic discipline while it is simultaneously promoted, implemented, and practiced around the world.
In chapters 10 and 11, the author offers useful guidance on both creating practical political content and navigating the choppy waters of curriculum change. This advice, in fact, will prove indispensable for any academic needing guidance on how to deftly surmount curricular barriers.
In conclusion, I found “Practical Politics: Lessons in Power and Democracy” by Titus Alexander useful as a practical guide to promoting political literacy, an inspirational tool, and an important reminder about the vital interdisciplinary connections between political science and media studies.
Book Review: Practical PoliticsAfter reading “Practical Politics: Lessons in Power and Democracy” by Titus Alexander, I am convinced more than ever about the urgent need for both political literacy and media literacy.
Alexander’s book, beginning in chapter one, makes a compelling case for why universities should teach practical politics as a basic life skill (like reading and writing). He writes that practical politics-trained students will be more employable, will possess an improved ability to solve complex social problems, and can help to restore trust in democracy.
In addition, in chapter three, Alexander theorizes that a society steeped in practical politics can improve its governance. He writes,
Campaigns by the Bristol schoolgirls, Citizen UK, Brake and victims of
sexual abuse are calls for better governance, by institutions such as the
BBC, schools, road safety bodies, employers and the state. People want
‘units of rule’ to be run well and solve problems better. This is the supply
side of politics, what I call the top tier of political action, involving leaders
and decision-makers at any level. Improving governance and the ability of
political decision-making to respond better to citizens will also encourage
people to take part, the demand side of politics, because better governance
creates hope that they can make a difference.
Encouraging people to take part in society, and prodding decision-makers to act, can best be facilitated by and through a simultaneously politically and media-savvy public.
As a communications professor, I see media literacy the same way Alexander sees political literacy: as an essential tool to restore and maintain democracies. In fact, the two are complementary, and if taught side-by-side, can serve to empower and amplify citizens’ voices.
This relationship between media and politics is explored in chapter five of the book. In this section, Alexander notes that the media are the public’s primary source for political education, the “main channel for politicians to communicate with the public,” and finally the means through which journalists can “influence the political agenda.” Alexander correctly points out that ownership, control, and use of the media are critical political battle grounds. This can be clearly seen both in the U.S. and U.K. in the ongoing political/media turmoil surrounding the Trump presidency/impeachment and Brexit. One is left wondering: If our publics know practical politics, would they be as susceptible to political disinformation, propaganda, and self-serving half-truths dished out by politicians, political pundits, and red-faced cable TV talking heads? If citizens had a more nuanced understanding of media and politics, would they be so quick to reflexively retreat into their media bubbles, consuming only that which confirms their world view?
Later in chapter five, Alexander cites a study showing the media consumers trust the media more than politicians—hardly an accomplishment worth crowing about. In the U.S., trust in media can be charted according to individual media outlets—viewers trust “their” channels, and distrust those outside their media bubble. Regarding the internet, Alexander writes, “Traditional political parties and campaigners are also investing heavily in using new media to reach target audiences, so it is hard to predict how far power will really shift.” Thus, simultaneous political and media literacy takes on a new urgency, one necessitated by the exponentially growing power of social media for the delivery of information, or disinformation. Alexander concludes,
Citizens need to learn media literacy to understand how it works,
how to use the media to have their say about issues of the day and how to
win and use power accountably. The press and television, particularly the
BBC, could also play a bigger role in giving citizens impartial information
on how the system works, contentious issues and how to have an effective
voice in politics.
Alexander expands on this point in chapter 10, when he discusses the media’s role in political education. He writes,
What is missing are straightforward guides (produced by media outlets)
to help people navigate issues and find the best way to have their say.
For democracy to flourish, citizens need more than commentaries
and analysis of the issues. They also need to know how they can influence
decisions. To do this, politics needs to be presented as something anyone can
do all year round, not just in elections every few years. Promoting public
participation does not mean taking sides on the issues, but siding with the
public. Citizens are ultimately responsible for how the country is governed
and need to be better informed…A free press and independent media are critical for
democracy, providing a plurality of opinion and scrutinizing those in power.
Here here. If citizens are empowered with political literacy, they will know that they
can participate and, ultimately, how to most efficaciously influence decisions. If
they are also endowed with media literacy, citizens will understand how to reject
disinformation and to leverage media to amplify their voices.
In chapter eight, Alexander proposes a model to teach practical politics that mimics business education in that it would “create and disseminate applied knowledge” in a manner that will fulfill Harvard Business School’s charge to “make a difference in the world.” This model has proven to be successful in business school settings, so it’s logical to believe that it could work with practical politics. In fact, my Center for Global Peace Journalism follows a similar model wherein peace journalism is taught as an academic discipline while it is simultaneously promoted, implemented, and practiced around the world.
In chapters 10 and 11, the author offers useful guidance on both creating practical political content and navigating the choppy waters of curriculum change. This advice, in fact, will prove indispensable for any academic needing guidance on how to deftly surmount curricular barriers.
In conclusion, I found “Practical Politics: Lessons in Power and Democracy” by Titus Alexander useful as a practical guide to promoting political literacy, an inspirational tool, and an important reminder about the vital interdisciplinary connections between political science and media studies.
“Practical Politics: Lessons in Power and Democracy” author Titus Alexander is the founder and director of Democracy Matters in the UK and honorary fellow at the Crick Centre at the University of Sheffield.
Reviewer Steven Youngblood is the director of the Center for Global Peace Journalism (www.park.edu/peacecenter) at Park University in Parkville, Missouri, where he is a communications professor. He is author of “Peace Journalism Principles and Practices” and editor of the “Peace Journalist” magazine.
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